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FOOD FOR THOUGHT
ON DROPOUTS AND SMALL SCHOOLS

Graduation is hardly a given for freshmen in 2,000 of America's public high schools, according to a new study by researchers at the Center for Social Organization of Schools at The Johns Hopkins University. Using data compiled by the National Center for Education Statistics, researchers Robert Balfanz and Nettie Legters measured the "promoting power" of 10,000 regular and vocational high schools that enroll more than 300 students. They compared the number of freshmen in each school to the number of seniors there four years later. The results gathered in their report, "Locating the Dropout Crisis," are troubling. They indicate that the dropout crisis is fueled by the 20 percent of high schools in which graduation is not the norm. These schools have "weak promoting power," or 40 percent or fewer seniors than the number of freshmen they enrolled four years earlier. Nearly half of the country's African American students and two out of five Latino students attend one of these "dropout factories," compared with just 11 percent of America's white students, the researchers said. The study found that the high schools producing the largest number of dropouts are concentrated in 50 large and medium-sized cites and 10 southern and southwestern states. The study presents tables showing the number and concentration of high schools with weak promoting power by state (broken down by locale and minority concentration) and for the nation's 100 largest cities.


While the study doesn’t break down the schools with “weak promoting power” by size of school, the section reprinted below offers some challenging and provocative analysis of the new small-schools initiatives:
--Mike Klonsky

     New Small School Creation: A substantial amount of local and private foundation resources currently support a movement to replace large comprehensive high schools with small high schools of typically 300 or fewer students. The hope here is that the creation of new, small high schools will provide students with an energized faculty and a higher degree of personalized attention and instruction which, in turn, will lead to substantially greater graduation rates. While based on a compelling and largely research-based theory, this movement’s singular focus on new school creation is its Achilles heel in the face of the number, concentration, and location of high schools with weak promoting power revealed in this report. Among the 50 cities in which half or more of the student population attends high schools with weak promoting power, there are 39 with five or more weak promoting power high schools. To replace these high schools with small schools would require starting, staffing, and sustaining between 25 to 50 high schools in most of these cities, with many more than 100 new high schools needed in the largest cities. The question that remains to be addressed is the extent to which the financial, human, and social capital exits to accomplish this overwhelming task. In cities and rural counties hard pressed by shrinking middle class populations and tax bases, as well as shortages of skilled principals, and near continual churn of superintendents and CEOs, will it be possible to find and sustain the civic capacity and investment in personnel development needed to equitably create, successfully run, and manage 25, 50, or 100 plus new high schools?

      New Medium-to-Large School Creation: In some cities, efforts are underway to create somewhat larger new high schools serving from 600 to 800 students. While the economies of scale afforded by these schools make them a potentially more feasible option for school systems with limited resources, early anecdotal evidence suggests caution. The dual pressures of a high standards environment and expectations of private and local funders (typically present when schools require new buildings or major renovations to existing buildings) can result in the shunting of equity concerns as new school leaders scramble to implement rigorous curriculum and achieve dramatic results in a short time period. In one such school that replaced a declining neighborhood high school, the new school remained non-selective but adopted an open-enrollment system to attract students from across the city interested in its technology focus. The school’s brand new curriculum and energized teachers were not prepared, however, to meet the needs of the substantial number of students coming in two or more grade levels behind in basic literacy and mathematics skills. As a consequence, the school has a significantly higher transfer rate than other high schools in the city. Just as telling, the enrollment slots reserved for students from the surrounding neighborhood now go unfilled; neighborhood families have concluded that the school is for “other people’s children” (read white and privileged).

      Existing High School Conversions: Different approaches to break free from bureaucratic inertia and create smaller, more personalized and flexible learning environments, such as converting large schools into multiple small learning communities, face different challenges. First, not all low-performing high schools are good candidates for conversion. Some (we estimate perhaps from 1% to 5% of the 2,000) are such demoralized environments so lacking in leadership, teaching capacity, and community support that any effort to turn them around would be quixotic at best. Second, attention to the process of conversion is very important to its outcome. Evidence is emerging that high schools that pursue a phased-in or voluntary approach to converting into multiple small learning communities or schools-within-a-school can produce marked inequities.

      The first smaller units to be developed typically attract the strongest teachers, entrepreneurial leaders, most motivated students, and community resources, leaving subsequent efforts to struggle with fewer resources. Striking images are emerging of large low-performing high schools in which a section has been turned into a new better resourced small high school, where the fortunate few are provided with access to a better education under the daily gaze of the unfortunate majority still stuck attending a marginally smaller dropout factory. The alternative, converting an entire school at the same time, is an extremely intensive experience requiring substantial technical expertise and commitment to working through difficult staffing, curriculum, facilities, and scheduling challenges.

FROM:

  • LOCATING THE DROPOUT CRISIS
  • Which High Schools Produce the Nation’s Dropouts?
  • Where Are They Located?
  • Who Attends Them?
  • Robert Balfanz and Nettie Legters
  • Center for Social Organization of Schools
  • Johns Hopkins University
  • http://www.csos.jhu.edu/tdhs/rsch/Locating_Dropouts.pdf
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